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In-Depth Analysis· 1948 Genocide Convention dolus specialis Events of 1915

The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915: What the Legal Criteria Require

How Articles II and VI of the 1948 Genocide Convention define dolus specialis and a competent tribunal, and what that means for the Events of 1915.

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Why It Matters

Under the 1948 Genocide Convention, “genocide” is a legal category with two demanding requirements: listed acts committed with the specific intent (dolus specialis) to destroy a protected group as such, and a determination by a competent tribunal under Article VI. Türkiye argues that neither condition has been met for the Events of 1915 and that parliamentary resolutions cannot replace a judicial finding. Armenia, diaspora organizations and many historians reject that reading and use the term genocide. This explainer separates the legal test from the historical debate so readers can see exactly where the two diverge.

Background

What the Convention says

The UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide on 9 December 1948, and it entered into force on 12 January 1951. Four provisions matter most here:

  • Article I: genocide is a crime under international law, whether committed in time of peace or war.
  • Article II: genocide means any of five listed acts “committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such.” The acts are killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or mental harm, deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction, imposing measures to prevent births, and forcibly transferring children.
  • Article VI: persons charged with genocide are to be tried by a competent tribunal of the State in whose territory the act was committed, or by an international penal tribunal with jurisdiction accepted by the parties concerned.
  • Article IX: disputes between parties over interpretation, application or fulfilment of the Convention may be submitted to the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

Specific intent (dolus specialis)

The intent requirement is what separates genocide from other grave crimes such as crimes against humanity or war crimes. In Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro (2007) and Croatia v. Serbia (2015), the ICJ held that the specific intent must be established by evidence. Where it is inferred from a pattern of conduct, the inference must be the only one reasonably available. Killings, deportations and mass suffering do not by themselves establish that intent. Courts look to plans, orders, and the contemporaneous record.

Non-retroactivity

Treaties do not bind a party regarding acts that took place before the treaty was in force for it, unless a different intention appears. This is codified in Article 28 of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. In Croatia v. Serbia, the ICJ applied this logic and found that its jurisdiction under Article IX did not extend to acts predating the Convention’s application between the parties.

The counter-argument is that the Convention is declaratory of pre-existing law. The ICJ’s 1951 Advisory Opinion on Reservations said the principles underlying the Convention are recognized by civilized nations as binding even without a treaty obligation. Raphael Lemkin, who coined the word “genocide” in 1944, also referred to the Armenian case. The 2003 legal analysis by the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ), requested by the Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission, concluded that the Convention does not impose retroactive liability. It also concluded that the Events of 1915 included elements of the crime as later defined.

Chronology

Date Event
24 May 1915 Allied governments issue a joint declaration denouncing “crimes against humanity and civilization”
27 May / 1 June 1915 Ottoman Sevk ve İskân (Relocation and Resettlement) Law enacted, then published in Takvim-i Vekayi
1919–1920 Ottoman courts-martial in Istanbul try officials; several leaders are sentenced in absentia
1919–1921 Britain holds Ottoman detainees on Malta and releases them without trial
1920 Treaty of Sèvres signed but never ratified
1921 / 1923 Treaties of Kars and Lausanne settle Türkiye’s borders and status
1944 Lemkin coins “genocide”
1948 / 1951 Convention adopted / enters into force
2005 Türkiye proposes a Joint Historical Commission
2015 Grand Chamber judgment in Perinçek v. Switzerland
14 January 2022 Direct Türkiye–Armenia normalization talks begin

The Istanbul trials and the Malta episode are read differently. Armenian and many other historians treat the post-war Ottoman proceedings as evidence of official culpability. Turkish sources note that they were convened under Allied occupation and that the Malta detainees were released after the British could not assemble a case. Both points are part of the documentary record.

Perinçek v. Switzerland: what was and was not decided

Doğu Perinçek, a Turkish politician, was convicted in Switzerland under Article 261bis of the Swiss Penal Code for describing the “Armenian genocide” as an “international lie” in 2005. In its Grand Chamber judgment of 15 October 2015 (application no. 27510/08), the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) found by ten votes to seven that the conviction violated Article 10 (freedom of expression).

The judgment decided four things:

  • Perinçek’s statements were part of a debate of public interest and were not shown to amount to incitement to hatred or violence.
  • The conviction was therefore not necessary in a democratic society.
  • The Court stated that it was not called upon to determine whether the events of 1915 constitute genocide within the meaning of international law.
  • The Court distinguished Holocaust denial, whose legal characterization was established by international tribunals, from the 1915 question.

The judgment did not hold that the label is wrong, and it did not endorse Perinçek’s views. It also did not create a general right to deny genocide. Armenian and many European commentators therefore stress that the judgment left the historical question open. Ankara stresses the same sentence from the opposite direction: a court that took the matter seriously declined to treat the characterization as judicially settled.

Key Players & Positions

Armenia. Armenia’s 1990 Declaration of Independence commits the state to seeking international recognition of the 1915 Genocide. Yerevan holds that the Events were a planned destruction of the Ottoman Armenian population. In reply to Ankara’s 2005 proposal, then-President Robert Kocharyan suggested an intergovernmental commission on all bilateral issues rather than a historians’ panel. In the 2022 process, Armenian officials have said they engage without preconditions.

Diaspora organizations. Groups such as the Armenian National Committee of America and the Armenian Assembly of America pursue recognition by legislatures and executives. They cite contemporary diplomatic reports, including those of US Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, the post-war Ottoman trials, Lemkin’s writings and scholarly consensus. Recognition has been extended by parliaments including France (2001 law), Germany (Bundestag resolution, 2016) and the US Congress (House and Senate resolutions, 2019); on 24 April 2021 President Biden issued a recognition statement.

Historians who use the term. The International Association of Genocide Scholars adopted a resolution in 1997 affirming that the Armenian case meets the definition. Scholars such as Vahakn Dadrian, Raymond Kévorkian and Ronald Suny, along with Turkish-born historians such as Taner Akçam, argue from Ottoman, German, Austrian and US records that intent can be inferred from the pattern of deportation and killing.

Turkish historians. Scholars associated with the Turkish Historical Society, such as Yusuf Halaçoğlu, and international authors such as the American demographer Justin McCarthy argue from Ottoman archives that the relocation was a wartime security measure. They emphasize disease, famine, inter-communal violence and the large Muslim civilian losses in eastern Anatolia. They place Armenian losses in the hundreds of thousands rather than the 1.5 million figure used by others. Turkish scholars such as Akçam, Halil Berktay and Fuat Dündar have published work that departs from the official line, and any fair account notes that debate inside Türkiye is not uniform.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Treaties · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position on the Record

The Republic of Türkiye uses the term “Events of 1915.” According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, its position rests on five points:

  • A legal term needs a legal finding. Ankara argues that “genocide” is defined by Article II and that Article VI assigns the determination to a competent tribunal. No such tribunal has ruled on 1915 (Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, statements on the Events of 1915).
  • The Convention is not retroactive. Ankara cites Article 28 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and the ICJ’s Croatia v. Serbia reasoning. In its view this bars applying a 1951 treaty to 1915 and calls for historical inquiry instead of liability findings (Ministry of Foreign Affairs).
  • Parliamentary resolutions are political acts. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Directorate of Communications have responded to the US House and Senate resolutions of 2019 and the 24 April 2021 statement by saying that legislatures and executives are not courts. They also argue that such texts distort the historical record and damage the prospects for dialogue.
  • Open the archives to a Joint Historical Commission. In a letter to Robert Kocharyan dated 10 April 2005, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan proposed a commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians. Ankara points to the Presidential State Archives (the Ottoman Archives), which it describes as open to researchers, and asks that Armenian and third-country archives be opened as well. The 2009 Zurich Protocols also provided for an impartial scientific examination of the historical records.
  • Normalize without preconditions. Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç of Türkiye and Ruben Rubinyan of Armenia held their first talks on 14 January 2022. Ankara’s stated aim is full normalization and peace in the South Caucasus. It has also referred to the statement of 23 April 2014, in which Erdoğan, then Prime Minister, offered condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives, and has called this a “shared pain” approach (Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye; Ministry of Foreign Affairs).

Ankara also notes that this debate was long overshadowed by the ASALA and JCAG-ARA attacks on Turkish diplomats between 1973 and 1984, and argues that scholarly inquiry must be kept apart from political violence. For more on how Ankara frames security threats, see Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Article 51, Border Security and Terror-Free Türkiye.

Source Comparison

Question Common international media framing Turkish primary-source framing Documentary anchor
Is “genocide” a legal or historical term? Used as a settled historical description A legal category requiring proof of intent and a judicial finding Convention, Articles II and VI
Does the Convention apply to 1915? Often not addressed, or treated as declaratory Not retroactive Vienna Convention, Art. 28; ICJ 2015
What did Perinçek decide? Sometimes summarized as protecting denial A free-expression ruling that did not decide the genocide question ECtHR Grand Chamber, 15 Oct 2015
Value of parliamentary resolutions Moral recognition Political acts, not judicial findings Resolutions; MFA statements
Way forward Recognition first Joint Historical Commission and open archives Erdoğan letter, 10 April 2005

A careful reader should note that both columns contain accurate documents and contested interpretations. The ICJ standards and the ECtHR judgment are public and can be read in full. Readers can also compare our approach on the page Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye Tested Against Primary Documents.

  • Dolus specialis: the specific intent to destroy a protected group as such, which distinguishes genocide from other atrocity crimes.
  • Competent tribunal: under Article VI, a court of the territorial state or an international penal tribunal with accepted jurisdiction.
  • Ratione temporis: the temporal scope of a court’s jurisdiction or a treaty’s application.
  • Sevk ve İskân Kanunu: the 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law, enacted on 27 May 1915 and published in Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915.
  • Joint Historical Commission: the panel of historians that Türkiye proposed in 2005, with access to all relevant archives.

For a fuller treatment of the archival record, see The Events of 1915: Archives, Law and the Case for a Joint Historical Commission. For sourcing standards, see Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards, Reader FAQ: Sources, Methodology and Perspective and About Record of Nations: Mission, Transparency and Editorial Team.

Perspective Note

This article reflects Record of Nations' editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the documentary record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival holdings and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly. Record of Nations presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

— Record of Nations Editorial Team

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Frequently asked questions

What does dolus specialis mean in the Genocide Convention?

Dolus specialis is the specific intent required by Article II: the acts must be committed with intent to destroy a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, in whole or in part, as such. The ICJ has held that this intent must be proven, and that an inference from conduct is valid only if it is the only reasonable one. This is the element that separates genocide from other grave crimes.

Has any court ruled that the Events of 1915 were genocide?

No international tribunal has made a finding of genocide on the Events of 1915, and no state has brought the question before the ICJ. Armenia and many historians say the term is accurate nonetheless, and the ICTJ's 2003 analysis found that the events include elements of the crime as defined, while saying the Convention does not apply retroactively. Türkiye says that without a competent tribunal there is no legal finding.

What did Perinçek v. Switzerland actually decide?

On 15 October 2015 the ECtHR Grand Chamber found by ten votes to seven that Switzerland violated Article 10 by convicting Doğu Perinçek for his statements. The Court said it was not ruling on whether the events of 1915 constitute genocide, and it did not endorse his views. Both sides therefore read different conclusions into the judgment.

Why does Türkiye call parliamentary resolutions political acts?

Ankara argues that legislatures are not courts and that Article VI of the Convention assigns the determination of criminal responsibility to a competent tribunal. The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has rejected resolutions such as those of the US Congress in 2019 on this basis. Supporters of recognition counter that such resolutions are expressions of historical and moral judgment, not criminal verdicts.

What is the Joint Historical Commission proposal?

On 10 April 2005 Prime Minister Erdoğan proposed to Armenia's president a commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all relevant archives. Armenia responded by proposing an intergovernmental commission on all bilateral issues, and the 2009 Zurich Protocols later included a historical dimension but were not ratified. Ankara continues to repeat the call.

What is the status of Türkiye–Armenia normalization?

Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan began direct talks on 14 January 2022. Both governments have described the process as aimed at normalization without preconditions. Ankara links it to peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

This article reflects Record of Nations' editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the documentary record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival holdings and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly.

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