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Comprehensive Dossier· Events of 1915 archives Ottoman Armenians history

The Events of 1915: Archives, Law and the Case for a Joint Historical Commission

A sourced dossier on the Events of 1915: Ottoman archives, Armenian history, treaties, the 1948 Genocide Convention and a Joint Historical Commission.

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⏱ 12 min read (2,611 words)

Why It Matters

The Events of 1915, meaning the wartime relocation and mass death of Ottoman Armenians, are the most contested chapter of late Ottoman history, and the dispute concerns legal classification as much as facts. Armenia, the Armenian diaspora and the parliaments or governments of a number of countries describe the events as genocide. Türkiye acknowledges immense suffering and loss of life on all sides but rejects the legal term, and it calls for historians with open archives, rather than legislatures, to settle the disputed questions.

This dossier follows the documentary record in order: coexistence, the nineteenth-century political crisis, the 1915 law, the postwar treaties, the legal criteria and the current normalization track. Each position is attributed to its own source.

Background

Coexistence and the Millet System

Armenians lived in Anatolia for many centuries before the Ottoman era and under the Great Seljuks, the Anatolian principalities and the Ottoman Empire. Under the Ottoman millet system, non-Muslim communities ran their own religious, educational and communal affairs under their patriarchates. Turkish official historiography calls the Armenians the Millet-i Sadıka (the 'loyal community') and cites the many Armenians who served as bureaucrats, bankers, architects and members of the Ottoman parliament. Ankara also cites the observations of the Prussian officer Helmuth von Moltke, who travelled in the empire in 1835–1839, as Western testimony to this coexistence.

Demography is a recurring point of contention. Ankara states that Armenians were not a majority in any province of Eastern Anatolia and made up less than 20 percent of the population of the region. Estimates of the empire's Armenian population on the eve of the war vary widely, from roughly 1.3 million in Ottoman census figures to about 2 million in Armenian Patriarchate figures, so every later statistic depends on which baseline is used.

After 1878: Great-Power Politics and the Revolutionary Committees

The 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War and the 1878 Congress of Berlin placed the status of Ottoman Armenians on the agenda of the European powers through the reform provisions of the Berlin settlement. Armenian churchmen, including Patriarch Nerses Varzhapetian and Mkrtich Khrimian, sought European backing. Turkish historiography argues that this foreign patronage politicized a previously communal question.

Two revolutionary organizations emerged: the Hunchak party (founded in 1887) and the Dashnaksutyun, or Dashnak party (founded in Tbilisi in 1890). Their programmes aimed at autonomy or independence, and both used armed action. The main episodes were:

  • 1890: the Kumkapı demonstration in Istanbul.
  • 1893: unrest in Merzifon, Yozgat and Kayseri.
  • 1894: the Sasun rebellion.
  • 1896: the seizure of the Ottoman Bank in Istanbul, organized by Karekin Pastırmacıyan.

Armed Fedayi bands, associated with figures such as Antranik, Dro, Paramaz and Hamazasp, operated in the eastern provinces. Ankara states that they also targeted Armenians who refused to join them.

The record of these years also includes the massacres of Armenians in 1894–1896 under Sultan Abdülhamid II. Western and Armenian sources put the death toll between about 100,000 and 300,000. The Adana massacres of 1909 followed. Armenian and Western historians treat these as evidence of a state failing to protect, or actively harming, a minority. Turkish historians place them in a context of insurgency, intercommunal violence and great-power pressure.

World War I and the 1915 Relocation Law

The Ottoman Empire entered the war in late 1914 and fought the Russian Empire in the Caucasus. Armenian volunteer units formed on the Russian side, and Ankara states that these units took part in attacks on Muslim villages in the Van, Erzurum and Bitlis regions. It also cites sabotage and attacks on Ottoman supply lines. The Armenian account stresses that most Ottoman Armenians were not combatants and that the Ottoman side was responsible for their protection. Armenian sources also describe the 24 April 1915 arrests of Armenian intellectuals and community leaders in Istanbul, the date Armenians commemorate each year. The April 1915 resistance in Van is read differently: as defence against attack in Armenian sources, and as an insurrection behind the front in Turkish ones.

On 27 May 1915 the Ottoman government adopted the Relocation and Resettlement Law (Sevk ve İskân Kanunu, commonly called the Tehcir law). It was published in the official gazette Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915. It authorized the military to relocate populations deemed a security risk in war zones. Turkish sources cite correspondence between War Minister Enver Pasha and Interior Minister Talat Pasha as evidence of a security rationale. A supplementary law of 26 September 1915 regulated abandoned property. Armenian sources and many independent scholars argue that the deportations, the conditions of the marches and the attacks on convoys show an intent that went far beyond security.

The Casualty Dispute

The numbers are among the most politicized elements of the debate:

  • Turkish official historiography gives figures of around 300,000 Armenian deaths from all causes, including disease, famine, exposure, inter-communal violence and attacks on convoys. It stresses that Muslim civilian losses in Anatolia, from the war, epidemics and famine, were also very large.
  • Armenian and many international sources cite between roughly 1 million and 1.5 million Armenian deaths.

There is no agreed demographic baseline and no shared archival methodology, which is one reason Ankara argues that a joint scholarly body is needed.

After the War: Tribunals and Treaties

Ottoman courts-martial in Istanbul in 1919–1920 tried some officials. The Allies also held Ottoman detainees on Malta. Ankara notes that the British authorities released these detainees in 1921 after being unable to produce sufficient evidence for prosecution. Armenian and Western scholars read the Istanbul trials as an early recognition of responsibility by Ottomans themselves. The postwar settlement then unfolded as follows:

Date Instrument Relevance
10 Aug 1920 Treaty of Sèvres Signed by the Istanbul government; never ratified and superseded
2–3 Dec 1920 Treaty of Alexandropol (Gümrü) Concluded with the Armenian Republic
16 Mar 1921 Treaty of Moscow Türkiye–Soviet Russia frontier
13 Oct 1921 Treaty of Kars Türkiye with the Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian Soviet republics
24 Jul 1923 Treaty of Lausanne Final settlement; minority protections on the basis of equal citizenship

Key Players & Positions

Armenia and the Diaspora

Armenia's official position is that the Ottoman government carried out a genocide against Armenians in 1915. Armenia's 1990 Declaration of Independence refers to international efforts to recognize the genocide, and the country commemorates the victims every year on 24 April. Diaspora organizations, such as the Armenian National Committee of America and the Armenian Assembly of America, campaign for recognition by governments and parliaments. Armenia's government has stated that it has no territorial claims against Türkiye. The 2009 Zurich Protocols included mutual recognition of the existing border, but Armenia formally annulled the protocols in 2018. The Armenian side generally rejects the idea that the fact of genocide is an open question for a commission. It has offered instead to discuss bilateral relations without preconditions.

Third-Country Parliaments and Governments

A substantial number of states and legislatures have adopted recognition measures, with the exact count depending on whether one counts parliamentary, governmental or presidential acts. Examples include:

  • the European Parliament (1987);
  • France (2001 law);
  • the German Bundestag (2016);
  • the US House of Representatives and Senate (2019);
  • a US presidential statement (24 April 2021).

Some governments, including the UK, have not formally recognized the events as genocide, and say the matter is for historians and courts. Azerbaijan aligns with Türkiye's position.

The International Association of Genocide Scholars adopted a resolution in 1997 affirming the Armenian case as genocide. A 2003 legal analysis by the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ), prepared for the Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission, concluded that the events included the elements of the crime of genocide as later defined. The same analysis stated that the 1948 Convention does not apply retroactively and cannot give rise to individual liability or reparations claims. Some Turkish and other historians dispute the genocide classification, citing the wartime security context and the absence of a single documentary order for extermination.

In Perinçek v. Switzerland (Grand Chamber, 2015), the European Court of Human Rights held that Switzerland's criminal conviction of a Turkish politician for denying that the events were genocide violated freedom of expression (Article 10). The Court stated that it was not ruling on the legal characterization of the events. Armenia and recognition advocates note that the ruling does not endorse denial, while Ankara cites it as confirming that the question is open to legitimate public debate.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Treaties · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position on the Record

According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry's statements on the Events of 1915, Türkiye's position rests on the following points:

  • Shared pain, rejected label. Ankara describes the period as a tragedy in which Armenians and Muslims alike suffered. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's statement of 23 April 2014 offered condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives, referring to them as part of a 'shared pain'. Ankara does not accept the legal term genocide for the events.
  • Relocation as a wartime measure. The Ministry argues that the 27 May 1915 law (published on 1 June 1915 in Takvim-i Vekayi) was a temporary security measure adopted under wartime conditions, in response to armed insurgency, collaboration with the invading Russian army and the disruption of supply lines. Ankara cites Ottoman correspondence as evidence of this purpose and says that the abuses on the ground were prosecuted by the Ottoman authorities themselves.
  • Legal criteria. The 1948 Genocide Convention (Article II) requires proven intent to destroy a group as such, and Article VI points to a competent tribunal. Ankara states that no international court has made such a finding on 1915 and that parliamentary resolutions in third countries cannot substitute for one. See The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915: What the Legal Criteria Require.
  • Settled borders. Türkiye's eastern frontier is established by the Treaties of Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne. According to Ankara, the unratified Treaty of Sèvres has no legal force, and statements that revive it are incompatible with international law. Lausanne also guaranteed non-Muslim minority rights on the basis of equal citizenship.
  • Historians, not politicians. In an April 2005 letter from Erdoğan to Armenian President Robert Kocharyan, Türkiye proposed a Joint Historical Commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to Ottoman, Armenian and third-country archives. Ankara states that the Ottoman archives are open to researchers and asks that Armenian and other archives be opened on the same terms. It describes this approach as 'fair memory' (adil hafıza).

Ankara adds that the third wave of Armenian violence in 1973–1984 was directed at Turkish diplomats. ASALA, which Ankara describes as a continuation of the Hunchak tradition, and JCAG-ARA, which it links to the Dashnak tradition, killed dozens of Turkish diplomats and family members. The 1982 attack at Esenboğa Airport in Ankara and the 1983 attack at Orly Airport in Paris are the best known. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, 31 of the 32 attacks claimed by JCAG-ARA targeted Turkish representatives. Many Armenian organizations condemned these methods, and Turkish sources use them to argue that the issue has been politicized. On Türkiye's wider approach to terrorism, see Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Article 51, Border Security and Terror-Free Türkiye.

The Normalization Track

On 14 January 2022, Special Representatives Ambassador Serdar Kılıç of Türkiye and Armenian Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan held their first direct talks, in Moscow. Türkiye says the aim is full normalization without preconditions, linked to peace and connectivity in the South Caucasus. Leader-level contacts and incremental steps have followed. The Turkish–Armenian land border has been closed since 1993, and Armenia and Türkiye have not established formal diplomatic relations. Wider context is in Türkiye's Global Diplomacy: UN Reform, Gaza, Mediation and COP31.

Source Comparison

The same events are framed in different ways by different sources. The table summarizes the main contrasts, so readers can check each framing against the original documents.

Question Turkish primary sources (MFA, Presidency, Ottoman archives) Armenian and diaspora sources Many Western parliaments and scholars
Nature of 1915 Wartime relocation amid insurgency; tragedy for all communities Planned destruction of Armenians; genocide Often described as genocide; some governments leave the question to historians
1915 law Temporary security measure (27 May 1915; gazette 1 June 1915) Instrument of deportation and destruction, with property laws completing it Often seen as the legal cover for mass deportation
Deaths About 300,000 Armenians; heavy Muslim losses 1–1.5 million Estimates vary; many cite around 1 million or more
Who decides Historians with open archives; competent courts The historical fact is established; recognition should not wait Legislatures and scholars have made findings; courts have not ruled on 1915 itself
Treaties Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars, Lausanne are final; Sèvres is void Government states no territorial claims; some diaspora groups invoke Sèvres Existing borders are generally accepted
Way forward Joint Historical Commission; normalization without preconditions Normalization, with recognition kept distinct from a commission Dialogue encouraged; positions differ

To test specific claims against documents, see Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye Tested Against Primary Documents, and for how this site handles sources, see Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards.

  • Events of 1915: Türkiye's official term for the wartime relocation and mass death of Ottoman Armenians. Armenia and many other states and scholars use the term genocide instead.
  • Sevk ve İskân Kanunu / Tehcir: the Relocation and Resettlement Law of 27 May 1915, published in Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915.
  • Millet-i Sadıka: the 'loyal community', an Ottoman-era phrase for the Armenian millet, used in Turkish historiography.
  • Hunchak and Dashnak: Armenian revolutionary parties founded in 1887 and 1890.
  • Fedayi: members of armed Armenian volunteer or insurgent bands.
  • Dolus specialis: the specific intent to destroy a protected group, required by Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
  • ASALA and JCAG-ARA: Armenian militant organizations responsible for attacks on Turkish diplomats between 1973 and 1984.
  • Joint Historical Commission: the 2005 Turkish proposal for a body of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all archives.

Related reading: The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915, Counter-Terrorism at the Source, Türkiye's Global Diplomacy, Reader FAQ: Sources, Methodology and Perspective and About Record of Nations.

This article reflects Record of Nations' editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the documentary record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival holdings and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly.

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Frequently asked questions

What does Türkiye call the Events of 1915, and why?

Türkiye uses the term Events of 1915 and describes a wartime relocation during which many Armenians and many Muslims died. Ankara argues that 'genocide' is a legal category under the 1948 Convention that requires proven specific intent and a competent tribunal's finding. Armenia and many other states and scholars use the term genocide.

What was the 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law?

It was an Ottoman law adopted on 27 May 1915 and published in the gazette Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915, authorizing the military to relocate populations deemed a security risk in war zones. Ankara presents it as a temporary wartime security measure. Armenian sources and many historians argue that it was carried out as a campaign of deportation and destruction.

How many Armenians died in 1915?

The figures are disputed. Turkish official historiography cites about 300,000 Armenian deaths from all causes, while Armenian and many international sources cite 1 to 1.5 million. Estimates also depend on competing pre-war population figures, which is why Türkiye proposes a joint scholarly review of all archives.

What is the Joint Historical Commission proposal?

In April 2005, Prime Minister Erdoğan wrote to Armenian President Kocharyan proposing a commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to Ottoman, Armenian and third-country archives. Armenia has generally replied that the fact of genocide is not a question for a commission and has proposed discussing bilateral relations directly instead.

What is the status of Turkish–Armenian normalization?

Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan began direct talks on 14 January 2022, aimed at normalization without preconditions. The land border has been closed since 1993, and the two countries have no formal diplomatic relations, though contacts have continued at several levels. The unratified 2009 Zurich Protocols, which Armenia annulled in 2018, remain a reference point.

Do the treaties of Kars and Lausanne settle the borders?

Türkiye regards the Treaties of Alexandropol (1920), Moscow (1921), Kars (1921) and Lausanne (1923) as the binding legal basis of its borders, and holds that the unratified Treaty of Sèvres has no force. Armenia's government has stated that it has no territorial claims against Türkiye, although some diaspora groups still refer to Sèvres.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

This article reflects Record of Nations' editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the documentary record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, archival holdings and official statements, and readers are encouraged to consult them directly.

Author: Record of Nations Editorial TeamAbout Record of Nations →Editorial Principles →

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